3 : Causes and consequences of test anxiety in Key Stage 2 pupils : The mediational role of emotional resilience

Deleterious effects of Standardized Achievement Tests, such as those taken at Key Stage 2, on the emotional and physical wellbeing, educational experiences and outcomes of primary school pupils in England have recently been documented (e.g. Tymms & Merrell, 2007), yet there is a lack of empirical evidence supporting these claims. This paper reports on the outcomes of a mixed methods study, involving 120 Year 6 pupils and their teachers, from 3 English primary schools, which examined pupils’ experiences of SATs and SAT related anxiety as well as the extent to which differences in pupils’ resilience moderate the effects of test anxiety. Using hierarchical regression analyses to control for differences in pupils’ general ability, it was found that poorer SAT grades in English, maths and science were significantly associated with higher levels of self-reported test anxiety and lower levels of resilience and that the negative effects of worry, off task behavior and autonomic reaction components of test anxiety were moderated by differences in pupils’ resilience. Qualitative data provided further evidence of SAT related anxiety and its various sources, but also highlighted both positive and negative attitudes towards the tests. Introduction The ‘high stake’s testing agenda in English schools Since the education reforms of 1990s, aimed at improving standards of education in English schools, pupils’ test and examination performance have been used as indicators of school effectiveness. School’ examination results are organised into published league tables by the Department for Children, families and Schools (DCFS). Primary schools are categorised on the basis of Key Stage 2, Standardised Assessments Tests (SATs) taken by children in Year 6, the final year of primary schooling, which assess pupil performance relative to National Curriculum (NC) normative standards of achievement. Performance thresholds are established and failing (sic) schools threatened with financial sanctions and/ or regime change. The minimum standard required of English primary school is for 85% of pupils to achieve NC level 4, the expected standard for an 11 year old pupil, in English, Mathematics and Science. Consequences of accountability by a high stakes testing agenda The ‘audit culture’ in evidence across all stages of compulsory education in England, characterised by the above practices as well as Office for Standards in Education (Ofsted) inspections and centrally imposed curriculum initiatives, has become the subject of much concern, critical discussion and debate (Ball, 2003; Frankam & Examination Anxiety in Primary, Secondary and Sixth Form Students Symposium presented at the British Educational Research Association Conference 2 nd – 5 th September 2009 2 Howes, 2006; Torrance, 2004). More recently, there has been particular concern over their effects at primary school level where various reports have highlighted the deleterious consequenses of evaluation for teaching and learning and for the well-being and motivation of both teachers and pupils. Such outcomes are claimed to result from the stress associated with the external pressure on schools and individual teachers to conform and perform (e.g. Harlen & Deakin-Crick, 2003; Harlen, 2007; Tymms & Merrell, 2007). Troman (2008), performed a qualitative analysis of primary teachers’ experiences of working in an education regime so bound up in performance and accountability. Teachers found themselves under considerable pressure, often resulting from a feeling of personal accountability for the performance of pupils, amongst whom, for many reasons, there is a huge variability in potential making for a very uneven playing field. A number of other reports have discussed the impact of the imposition of the NC and SATs on the school curriculum, pedagogy and assessment practices (e.g. Harlen & Deakin Crick, 2003; Harlen, 2007; Tymms & Merrell, 2007). Pressure experienced by teachers to achieve targets resulted in practices such as ‘teaching to the test’, repeated testing, ‘coaching’, whole-class teaching, and narrowing the curriculum focus range of learning outcomes, which could be stressful and de-motivating to pupils . Thus, the educational reforms originally intended to promote achievement can be seen, in themselves, to be problematic. Improving test and examination performance at the expense of educationally enriching activities which are not tested or examined resulted in the manipulation of targeted standards and a superficial, non-transferable learning. The majority of studies of the effects of high stakes testing regimes in the UK and other countries have focused on the pupils’ rather than the teachers’ experiences. The accumulated evidence seems to be that the effects on pupils are diverse, and often farreaching and negative. In addition to the adverse consequences of altering the curriculum and teaching practices to accommodate preparation for SATs, are those resulting from pupils’anxieties specifically related to the process of undertaking exams; the most notable being the impact on exam performance. The anxiety-performance association, evident across a range of evaluation contexts, has been extensively documented (e.g. McDonald, 2001). In the context of formal education, a body of evidence for the phenomenon has emerged primarily, though not exclusively, from research conducted in the USA, across a wide spectrum of students from primary school to college/university levels. A fair proportion of findings come from studies of high school students taking their final year exams. However, there is a dearth of evidence relating to primary school age children particularly in English Schools. This noticeable gap is of some considerable concern, given the high stakes nature of Key Stage 2 SATs with their implications for academic progression to high school and the potential vulnerability of young children lacking experience of high stakes testing. Tests and examinations are consistently reported by children and adolescents as worrisome, anxiety-provoking and stressful events (McDonald, 2001; Owen-Yeates, 2005). Pupils frequently become concerned with the consequences of failure where their sense of self-worth has become bound up with external achievement, where there is the possibility of negative judgment from others, such as family members, and where educational and/ or occupational aspirations rest on achievement. In a study of test anxiety in primary schoolchildren preparing for their Key Stage 2 (KS2) SATs (Connor Examination Anxiety in Primary, Secondary and Sixth Form Students Symposium presented at the British Educational Research Association Conference 2 nd – 5 th September 2009 3 2001; 2003), teachers reported that children showed signs of stress and anxiety beyond what would be considered as understandable or typical and voiced concerns over potential failure and the consequences for subsequent academic setting in secondary school. This is illustrated beautifully by one of the year 6 pupils participating in a qualitative investigation into pupils’ SAT related anxiety in a London primary school (Reay & Willam, 1999). ‘...you have to get a level like a level 4 or a level 5 and if you’re no good at spellings and times tables you don’t get those and so you’re a nothing.’ (p345). It has been suggested that the anxieties experienced by children may, in part, be transmitted by teachers overly pressured by such things as target setting and the school’s league table position. Children realise that test results, especially those of SATS, are perceived by teachers as important and so they come to assume an importance in the minds of the children (Connor, 2002; 2003; Pollard, Triggs, Broadfoot, McNess & Osborn, 2000). Despite the fact that some students demonstrated awareness that SATs were a means of judging the school, Pollard et al (2000) found that two-thirds of students in their study expressed a conviction that the test results would be used as an evaluation of them. However, a survey conducted by the National Union of Teachers (Neill, 2002) revealed that teachers held both positive and negative views regarding pupils’ experience of SATs. While teachers believed that too much pressure was placed on children, some of which coming from parents, they also referred to potential benefits to be had from testing in that they could help prepare children for secondary school. These findings represent a small, but potentially significant, literature suggesting how the accountability by high stakes testing agenda in English primary schools, or at least the way it is currently realised in the context of KS2 SATs, has a negative impact on children’s learning, and often results in an unnecessary, and possibly debilitating, degree of pressure. As Tymms and Merrell (2007) note, however, these studies often use small, and possibly unrepresentative, samples and test-related stress or anxiety is often not the primary or sole focus of research. Thus, the evidence available from studies of the effects of the KS2 SATs regime on English school children is currently very limited indeed. Thus, the present study into the experience and consequences of test anxiety in primary school children could be considered long overdue. The test anxiety construct Although test related stress and anxiety in children has generally been ignored in the UK until relatively recently, there is large international literature exploring this phenomenon using the test anxiety construct, which provides a useful theoretical context to the present study. Test anxiety refers to the appraisal of a test or other evaluative situation as threatening and consists of distinct cognitive, affectivephysiological and behavioural components (Zeidner & Mathews, 2005). The cognitive component refers to worrisome thoughts and concerns about the consequences of failure, the affective-physiological component to physical sensations that accompany anxiety (trembling, headaches, etc.) and the behavioural component to actions indicating a lack of task focus during a test such as playing with a pencil, looking around the room and so forth. The origins of test anxiety lie in the psychology of individualmeasurement and the vast majority of literature has used quantitative measures of test anxiety, however qualitative approaches have proved useful in accessing the situated Examination Anxiety in Primary, Secondary and Sixth Form Students Symposium presented at the British Educational Research Association Conference 2 nd – 5 th September 2009 4 and contextual features of the test anxious experience (Anton & Lillibridge, 1995; Putwain, 2009). The test anxious pupil may have difficulty in concentrating during a test, and in reading and understanding test instructions and questions; they may become easily distracted, and experience problems in recalling learnt material (King, Ollendick & Gullone, 1991). Not surprisingly, highly test anxious children are more likely to underperform compared to their low test anxious counterparts (Hembree, 1988; Owens et al., 2008). Literature reviews have indicated that test anxiety rises steadily throughout the early years of schooling, which may be attributable to factors such as the ever increasing pressure from parents and teachers, cumulative experiences of failure, the increasing complexity of learning materials as well as an age-related increase in the accuracy of reporting anxiety (McDonald, 2001; Zeidner, 1998). Gender differences emerge in 3 to 4 year of schooling with female pupils reporting higher test anxiety than males (Wigfield & Eccles, 1989); a robust effect that persists throughout secondary school and into higher education (Putwain, 2007). Transactional models of the anxiety-performance outcome process (e.g. Endler & Parker 1992; Lazaraus, 1999; cited in Zeidner & Mathews, 2005) regard test anxiety as a product of an interaction between an individual’s disposition (e.g. personal traits such as optimism/pessimism, self-efficacy, self-esteem) and the perceived threat of the situation encountered. The appraisal of a test as threatening is more likely when a pupil is overly concerned about social evaluation (Zeidner & Matthews, 2002), has low competence beliefs (e.g. Chamorro-Premuzic, Ahmetoglu & Furnham, 2008; Goetz, Preckel, Zeidner & Schleyer, 2008), more avoidant motivation (e.g. Chouinard & Roy, 2008; Guay, Marsh, Senécal & Dowson, 2008) and when the expected outcome is failure (e.g. Pekrun, Frenzel, Goetz & Perry, 2007). Transactional models also emphasize that the association between test anxiety and performance is cognitively mediated. Therefore, the inverse relationship between test anxiety and achievement would be stronger for students who have, for example, ineffective coping strategies, such as avoidance (Söber, 2004), more negative cognitive appraisals, such as a tendency to catastrophise (Putwain, Connors & Symes, 2008), and more unhelpful metacognitive beliefs, for example, that worry helps coping (Mathews, Hillyard & Campbell, 1999). These variables have been found to moderate rather than mediate the effects of test anxiety through their interaction with its specific components.. For example, catastrophising was found to interact with the worry component (Putwain et al, 2008) and task orientation and preparation (as coping strategies) were associated with the test anxiety components of worry and emotionality in female students (Stober, 2004). Moreover, it is argued that the occupation of information processing resources by worry and intrusive, negative, self-referent thoughts impacts negatively on performance as a result of cognitive overload and distracting attention away from the task (Zeidner & Matthews, 2002). These authors have also promoted a selfregulatory theory of test anxiety which describes how such negative interactions with the testing situation, that are more likely to result in failure (either real or perceived), have further repercussions for how individuals would approach and appraise such encounters in the future. Findings in support of the transactional model of test anxiety have come from studies of test and performance anxiety in a broad range of contexts (e.g. sports, Examination Anxiety in Primary, Secondary and Sixth Form Students Symposium presented at the British Educational Research Association Conference 2 nd – 5 th September 2009 5 computers, maths, etc.) but are almost exclusively derived from studies of older children and adults (e.g. see Zeidner & Matthews, 2002). Thus there is a lack of understanding of how this model may be applied to younger children in the context of high stakes examinations. The present study, with its focus on the mediated test anxietyperformance process in primary school children, thereby, makes an important contribution to the literature in this regard. Resilience as a potential moderator of the test anxiety – performance relationship As outlined above, previous studies examining cognitive processes that mediate the association between test anxiety and performance, have tended to examine individual differences in either cognitive interpretations of anxiety (e.g. catastrophising) or in the cognitive resources individuals might use to manage anxiety (e.g. coping strategies). The present study focuses on the latter, however, rather than examining coping strategies, we have instead introduced resilience as a potential buffer of SAT related anxiety. One factor influencing the rationale for this is that there are identifiable links between resilience and a number of key concepts, such as competence, agency, autonomy, emotional regulation, social competence and self-esteem (Rutter, 1979; Garmezy & Rutter 1983; Masten, Morison, Pellegrini & Tellegen, 1990) that have been consistently associated with more adaptive responses to stressful circumstances such as those encountered in performance and testing situations. Thus, there is some justification for the assumption that test anxious pupils who score higher on measures of resilience would achieve superior test results compared to their less resilient, test anxious counterparts. Recent conceptualizations of resilience originate in psychiatry and clinical psychology where the term was adopted to account for positive adaptation in high risk populations (Garmezy, 1985). The earlier definitions of resilience emphasized a strong connection with competence, e.g. ‘manifestations of competence in children despite exposure to stressful life circumstances’ (Masten et al, 1990; p 237), others have emphasized its importance in positive adaptation, e.g. ‘the capacity for positive adaptation in the face of extreme stress or adversity’, ‘stress resistance’ or the ability to ‘bounce back’ (Goldstein, 2005). Core determinants in identifying resilient individuals according to these earlier conceptualizations are the severity, extent and duration of the challenges or adversities they have overcome (Luthar, Cicchetti & Becker, 2000). A prolonged debate within the resilience literature has presented a barrier to achieving consensual definition of the construct. Some theorists have adopted a position that views resilience as the outcome of an individual’s exposure to severe and/or prolonged adversity. Resilient individuals would be those who, despite the odds stacked against them, show positive adaptation by achieving appropriate developmental norms and milestones. Gaining an understanding of the transaction between organismic and environmental factors that have contributed to the resilient individual’s ‘survival’ to be studied using retrospective methods, traditionally considered unreliable. Nevertheless, findings of such studies underpin major theories of the nature and process of resilience. An alternative position that has emerged more recently, is one that regards resilience as a dispositional resource constituted by a number of behavioural, attitudinal, physiological and temperamental characteristics. Transactions between those characteristics and the individual’s environment would result in positive outcomes Examination Anxiety in Primary, Secondary and Sixth Form Students Symposium presented at the British Educational Research Association Conference 2 nd – 5 th September 2009 6 despite severe risk exposure. This latter approach lends itself more readily to the operationalization of the resilience construct and for the nature and process of resilience to be studied in more detail in a variety of stress inducing contexts, which has led to the development of a number of psychometrically validated resilience scales. Over the last decade there have been several significant developments concerning the construct of resilience that have resulted in a shift away from the original focus on its role in overcoming severe adversity to its promotion as an immensely valuable personal resource enabling positive adaptation to more normative and everyday life challenges (Newman & Blackburn, 2002; Sun & Stewart, 2007,). A particularly favourable attribute of the concept, that has undoubtedly contributed to its widespread appeal, is its emphasis on positive human characteristics and positive outcomes. The ‘salutogenic’ perspective (Bernard, 2005) emphasises the aspects of the resilient disposition such as competence that contribute to coping, health and wellbeing. This newer perspective promotes the enhancement of protective factors in the lives of all children regardless of the presence of risk. Such theoretical developments have led to the adoption of the resilience concept in disciplines such as health and social work where it is regarded as a valuable focus for intervention (Sun & Stewart, 2007). Only very recently has the concept been introduced within the educational domain where programmes aimed at fostering resilience in the lives of children are now being introduced into a number of schools in Scotland (Newman & Blackburn, 2002) and in England as part of their respective ‘Health Promoting Schools’ and ‘Healthy Schools’ initiatives. A further offshoot has been the appearance of several scales to measure resilience. However, there is huge variability amongst the scales in regard to how resilience has been conceptualized and may include measures of personal resources such as self-esteem, problem solving, prosocial behavior, communication and cooperation, competence, mastery, social relationships and support, and emotional disposition. Using exploratory and confirmatory factor analysis, Prince-Embury, 2005, organized a range of such resources into three distinct scales, two of which comprise three subscales and one comprising of four. These are: Sense of Mastery, comprising optimism, self-efficacy and adaptability; Sense of Relatedness, comprising trust, support, comfort and tolerance; and Emotional Reactivity, comprising sensitivity, recovery and impairment. It is this conceptualization that has been adopted in the present study. These latter developments have provided a further incentive to explore the nature and scope of the resilience concept across a broader range of stress inducing contexts. The high stakes KS2 SAT context provides an appropriate avenue for such an exploration and thus an additional rationale for the inclusion of this variable in the present study. It is argued here that the personal resources such as mastery, adaptability and emotional stability, that combine to produce resilience would buffer the effects of test anxiety on SAT performance outcomes. This could occur as a result of the influence of resilience characteristics on cognitive and emotional reactions to exam related stress, pressure or threat. Thus, more resilient individuals would be less likely to experience negative cognitive and emotional reactions to exam situations that have typically been associated with impaired performance. Alternatively, it is possible that greater resilience might enable individuals to regulate or control negative thoughts and emotions sufficiently to lessen their impact on performance. Examination Anxiety in Primary, Secondary and Sixth Form Students Symposium presented at the British Educational Research Association Conference 2 nd – 5 th September 2009 7 This study therefore, has several important aims, the first of which is to gain a deeper understanding of the experience of KS2 SATs in Year 6 primary school children, particularly in regard to the nature and sources of SAT related pressure and/or anxiety. This will be addressed largely by means of focus group discussions and teacher interviews. Secondly, using quantitative methods, the study will examine the association between SAT related anxiety and performance outcomes (SAT grades) in order to find support for the negative association consistently found in other age groups and contexts. Thus it is predicted that, after controlling for general ability, there will be evidence of a negative association between SAT related anxiety and SAT grades. Thirdly, the moderating role of resilience on the anxiety-outcome relationship will be investigated. In line with studies that have identified personal resource measures such as coping as moderators of the association, we predict that resiliency scores will moderate the association between test anxiety and SAT outcomes. More specifically, it is hypothesized that measures of resilience will interact with the cognitive and emotional components of test anxiety in influencing performance. After controlling for individual differences in ability, it is expected therefore that pupils who report lower levels of test anxiety and greater resilience would tend to have the highest SAT scores and viceversa. Further, we would expect that more test anxious pupils who score more highly on measures of resilience will demonstrate superior exam performance compared to their less resilient counterparts.